Wednesday, 23 January 2013

Time to Fight: The Crisis in the SWP

Saturn eating his children
Details of allegations of rape and sexual harassment against a leading member of the SWP (Martin Smith, aka 'Comrade Delta', until recently the National Secretary of the SWP - basically, in day-to-day charge of the apparatus), and the controversy over the handling of the home-brewed investigation into those allegations by the SWP Disputes Committee (DC) have already been widely documented and discussed.1

This blog was the first to publish news of the emerging controversy, in our post about the SWP Pre-Conference Discussion at the beginning of December. At least we were the first to indicate the scale of the looming crisis. At that point it was becoming clear that the SWP leadership wouldn't be able to contain the dissent brewing among its rank and file, yet the argument had still to break out in public. Still, from the scale of the opposition that was building - but even more judging by the extent of the anger of those involved in the opposition - it was clear then that something quite unprecedented was stirring in the SWP.

The handling of the complaint by the CC caused fury in the ranks of the SWP and beyond, but also raised the question of party democracy in a way that will not allow it to be put off any longer. The SWP rank and file - if they are to be able to work alongside the rest of the left in future, in order to to ensure justice is done for the women involved, and to undo the otherwise fatal damage that has been inflicted on the SWP's credibility as 'tribunes of the oppressed' - will have to reject the entire process by which these allegations were handled. But in attempting to do that they run straight into the party's structures, which have evolved over the years to guarantee the unqualified control of the CC.

The handling of the issue by the CC from the very beginning has consisted of nothing but the usual crock of intimidation, misdirection, evasion and lies. To undo the damage means undoing the mechanisms that allow the leadership to get away with inflicting it to start with. Without addressing the lack of accountability that allowed the CC to do this, nothing will have changed, and the party would remain open to the same abuses in future.

The handling of the dispute by the CC has been woeful even from their own point of view, culminating in their current position - a 'rabbit in the headlights' stance, in which they provide no leadership at all to those members who are expected to face down the crisis, but throw their energies instead into planning how to undo the opposition . They have resolved, if necessary, to lose a generation of students and a wider layer of the party itself, all in the defense of a single CC member's position.

To overcome all this will require restoring democracy to the SWP. This cannot be achieved by patiently working through whatever provisions exist in the party constitution, hoping the CC don't suddenly just expel everyone whose face no longer fits, but only by open revolt. There is a chance that the CC can be brought to heel, and the party reformed, but that chance exists only because of the revolt by members that took off after conference failed to resolve the issue. The CC and their supporters do not have tanks, they have no physical resources that could prevent the membership from seizing control of their own party. The only thing that keeps everything in its place now is decades of routine in which the members have simply become used to bending the knee as required. If the membership throw off all that old muck, they can win.

For party loyalists the fact that the opposition are fighting to overturn the decisions made at conference means that the opposition reject democratic centralism. In reality, it is the opposition who are defending democratic centralism against the abuses of it that produced the fixed conference results. But anyway, the loyalist argument misses the point of democratic centralism. As Richard Seymour has argued against those who say the issue has already been decided, and that there is no going back on it:

I think this sort of response indicates a problem with how people understand democratic centralism. It is not a recipe for deference, or the ruthless crushing of minority opinion. That is not what it is for. The point is that perspectives are voted on, and tested in the real world. This perspective was voted on, narrowly passed without the support of the majority of delegates, on the basis of a seriously gerrymandered conference and a suppressed preconference debate. It has been tested. It has led to catastrophe. It has led to the party being denounced as the Sexist Workers Party and worse. It has led to attacks in the press with bizarre Islamophobic undertones. It has led to activists being furious with us. It has led to members being ready to walk out. Some already have. So, the perspective has failed, very badly, and it has to be revisited. This is what a recall conference is for.
It seems to me that this gets to the heart of what the current dispute is about. On the one hand are those who interpret Leninism, democratic centralism, and the like merely in terms of what serves their organisational or personal advantage. On the other side are those who want to interpret this heritage of socialist theory and practice in order to create a larger and more effective socialist organisation.

Supporters of the AMM were writing about the SWP's democratic deficit almost twenty years ago, when some of us were part of the IS Group2 (in these documents by Andy Wilson and Ian Land, for example), so it should come as no surprise to anyone that we fully supported the Democratic Opposition in the run-up to conference, and that we support the united opposition that is emerging in the SWP in the wake of conference. The precise platform of this opposition grouping remains to be seen, but at a minimum it will be calling for a recall SWP conference to be held to reject the DC report and review the treatment of the allegations against Smith. Beyond that it will doubtless call for the disciplining and/or removal of some or all of the CC that have led them to into this mess. The AMM supports the following demands;

  • immediately remove Martin Smith from all positions of responsibility until further notice
  • overturn the DC report and instigate a full inquiry into the handling of the previous investigation
  • restructure the DC and processes associated with it to reflect best practice in the labour movement
  • censure the entire Central Committee and move to replace them all
  • reinstate those members expelled for opposing the DC report(the 'Facebook Four')
  • abolish the slate system for electing the CC
  • institute the elective principle throughout the entire party - all full-timers to be recallable and fully accountable
  • full rights to factions, including the right to publish and to organise
  • full rights for members to communicate directly with one another

Andy Wilson
2013-i-23


Footnotes


1) The main documents can be found here:
2) That is, the group formed when Andy Wilson was expelled from the SWP, and certainly not that launched more recently by Chris Bambery.

44 comments:

  1. Yes indeed! And all those good socialists who "fell by the wayside" because what the Bureaucratic Centralist SWP offered didn't work for them (like myself) can now get active again. As Luke Staunton, one of the Democratic Opposition said: "I can't believe the amount of Great Comrades I'm meeting at the moment". I really believe we could turn this "PR disaster" into a Rifondazione of genuine revolutionary Marxism ... Personally, I'm not interested in any other political project ...

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  2. I think the problem here is that the Seymour gang might be worse than the current leadership. Hopefully I'm wrong.

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    1. What 'Seymour' gang is this? I am not aware of any such thing, other than as an invention of the SWP leadership.

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    2. I meant no offense, but I was under the impression that Richard Seymour was a leading member of the rebels. I think The Seymour Gang has a quite a ring to it, used informally of course. You should reclaim it from the CC if they are already using it as a pejorative.

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    1. Never trust a Guardian writer ...

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    2. How might one be put in a position of needing to trust, a "non-combatant"??? Why do some posters not give any name? Are they to be trusted? Or do they not trust those who publish on this site?

      signed dc AKA

      P.S. Why does TGE keep changing his photo? Are all of these rhetorical questions?

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    3. Er, what's this "why do some posters not give any name?" thing? You are the one called "Anonymous", Butch.

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    4. You might have noticed that there are MORE than ONE 'Anonymous', Cassidy. That just means there's no link to a blog profile of some kind.

      I give a name in the body of my messages, and you know who I am.

      SIGNED DC AKA

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    5. I suppose I should have put, "there IS more", and called OTL, Sundance. But maybe the thoughtlessness of OTL's post, sparked an image of David Cassidy, or Neal Cassady, somewhere in my mind.

      SIGNED DC AKA

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  4. Is there any prospect of a return of a recent comments list? I gather that this is not specific to this site, and all users of this blog platform are affected.

    signed dc AKA

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    1. fixed, I think. We are now using a completely new comments system.

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  5. I have a very basic and naive question, which I hope you won't mind. Remember, I'm 5000 miles away from this particular situation. And I AM really looking for insight.

    What I don't understand is why there is continuing faith in Leninist parties, in spite of the track record. It seems that what has happened to the SWP is what happens every single time.

    If faith isn't the right word, well, I'm not insisting on it. It is just that there seem to be no alternatives, that it's the best of the worst, or something like that?

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  6. I think 'faith' is exactly the right word. Although, I think that most of the proponents of "Leninism", these Bolshe-fetishists, actually imagine 'Leninism' not merely 'the best of the worst', but rather just 'the best'. One of the necessary components of the 'vanguardism' intrinsic to Leninism is the notion that the politics of [insert Lenin cult] are incontrovertibly correct. The fact that they are dominant on the left is testament only to the feeble, indisposed condition of radical politics in general.

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  7. *imagine Leninism to be not merely 'the best of the worst' ...

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  8. Nowt to do with faith. How are YOU going to stop capitalism? On your own, or working with others? How do you work with others once you've understood how things are? This question is being worked on NOW by all these people arguing for-and-against the Democratic Opposition's revolt against the SWP Central Committee. This facile "oh the Leninist model goes wrong" tack - where does it lead? To being a supercilious clever person "above it all". Go away!!

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  9. Andy, while not disagreeing with what you have written I do think there is a shortfall in what you are proposing.

    Yes, the key is to look at what structures, information flows, channels of communications and support would are actually need to re-build the SWP into an effective revolutionary party but the issue is does the SWP have a strong enough Party culture to survive such a change?

    For at least the last 20 years, indeed even when we use to be students in York, the SWP culture has been a very macho, my way or the highway, approach both to external 'enemies', others on the Left, and towards internal line waivers- the emphasis has always been on 'winning the argument' rather than understanding others points of view. If anything this monopolistic, controlling style is now stronger in SWP culture than it ever was.

    In reality there has always been one powerful faction, the CC, the National Secretary and the full time machine, they have bullied intimidated, used patronage, social exclusion, and a whole range of soft and hard measures to ensure their continual control, will they suddenly change proven methods because of one re-called conference?

    How then does this type of culture adopt itself to dealing with factions? The reality is that if factions are to be allowed in the SWP then the likelihood is that a huge amount of militants energy will, like the NPA farce here in France, be spent fighting for their factions position and the Party will turn inwards and spin in ever decreasing circles.



    For factions, and indeed, a dynamic party culture to flourish, there needs to be a fundamental rethink on how the Party operates, both internally and externally in the wider Left and Labour movement. The LCR, the pre-runner to the NPA was able to combine a lively inner party culture and a strong engagement with the wider movement because it has a strong tradition of mutual respect, it was able to have very intense internal political discussion while at the same time comrades from different points of view worked side by side in the anti-fascist movement and in the SUD trade unions. The Party was flexible enough to allow comrades who say disagreed with the majority decision on say electoral policy to concentrate on other areas of activity and not force them to engage in work they had problems with- just as long as they didn't criticise the majority position in public.


    Does the SWP have a culture that could accept that?


    I'm not sure tinkering with the constitution is enough, a root and branch transformation is necessary- and frankly I don't think there is enough imagination and creativity left in the SWP to do that.

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    1. Pete,

      I agree with your description of the culture in the SWP, but I don't put it down to some terrible 'Leninism' - which seems to me these days to be everyone's bete noir, without really saying what they mean by such a term. There have always been alternative currents within the SWP, and many of its members still look to the libertarian roots of the organisation as a model of how it might be possible to combine in an effective 'combat organisation' without falling for all the hokum we used to associate with Stalinism and Healyism, but have since come to associate with the SWP leadership itself.

      If you found the SWP at college 'macho', I guess there is nothing I can do about that. I would argue, though, that while we certainly had some of the holy fire I associate with good young socialists, we were not generally sectarian, and our politics regarding sexual liberation were not as crude as is being displayed by the SWP leadership today. I remember, for instance, when there was a dispute between different wings of the Gay and Lesbian society on campus, and they asked SWSS members to come to their meetings to help conciliate, as they trusted us more than any other group on campus. I was greatly honoured by this at the time, and I think ti does show that there is nothing inherently 'macho' about SWP sexual politics if we could be trusted in that way by the GLS.

      As someone who was expelled from the SWP some 20 years ago I am used to people being perplexed as to why I still see it as a current on the left that should ultimately be defended and recovered. It may seem even stranger that I should take that line now, when its leadership are clearly nearing the end of their tether, and have become completely unprincipled. But I would point you toward the SWP opposition, particularly among the younger SWP members and the students - they have been extremely principled over this issue, on the basis of SWP politics that take women's liberation seriously while seeing the world, as Marxists, as fundamentally driven by class politics - and not, as the SWP loyalists like to pretend, because they are 'autonomists' or 'feminists'. And discussions on the opposition blog about theory show precisely the sort of humility toward other traditions that you are talking about.

      For the record, though, I agree entirely with your conclusion. I did not mean to imply that constitutional tinkering would solve the SWP's crisis - it will not. Only a complete overthrow of decades of toy Bolshevik posturing within the organisation can save its good reputation and its effectiveness as the UK left's foremost revolutionary grouping. I don't think there are any guarantees that those favouring such a radical transformation will win, but I have not spoken to any serious member of the opposition who did not understand that that is what is required.

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    2. I like the LCR. It gave me and Esther Leslie a boost when, having argued and argued for Walter Benjamin's ideas on aesthetics against a solid grey block of Lindsey German/Gareth Jenkins/Chris Nineham and never being given a chance to explain our ideas in Socialist Review, the LCR came to speak at Marxism and twice began major-hall talks with quotes from ... Walter Benjamin!

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  10. Did you just tell me to go away because I asked a question? And assumed I was being facile in my questioning? (which I was not) And that I was somehow above it all for asking? (the only place I am above anything is in your fantasy) Not to mention supercilious and clever? (I am certainly not clever, tho as for supercilious that's not for me to decide, is it?). If you have indeed just asked me to go away because I want to understand why you conflate stopping capitalism, working with others, learning how to work with others, etc with Leninist centralism when it doesn't seem necessary to conflate them, I will. I will confess that I still don't understand why the Leninist tradition is the only viable one in the minds of the AMM and the SWP.

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  11. Hi JOhn. I thought it was a reasonable question :-)
    Out to Lunch wrote a reply but claims he is having problem submitting it here, so I am pasting it in for him:

    ""Leninism"?!? Are you sure what you know what we are arguing about? The Stalinists travestied the real, acting Lenin. They turned "Leninism" into a method floating above history. The AMM is utterly opposed to that. We admire Tony Cliff for bringing revolutionary politics to Britain and criticising the Communist Party, but we dislike his "downturn" analysis of the late 70s and 80s. That's why we published Jim Higgins' More Years for the Locust. Maybe if you read this book you could see where we are coming from. New research (Lars Li) shows that "What Is To Be Done" is not the last word from Lenin, it's more like a single moment frozen into dogma by the Stalinists. Read Materialism & Empirio-Criticism. Read Lenin's Collected Works Vol 38. Lenin's ideas changed, evolved, expanded. Tried to keep pace with this thing called capitalism and its effect on the globe. And now (especially) read Raya Dunayevskaya's book on Women's Liberation - it has already solved the problem which is tearing the SWP apart ... and Dunayevskaya was a LENINIST. "Being a Marxist" without studying and appreciating Lenin and the Russian Revolution (AND its transformation into its opposite) is like drinking decaffeinated coffee ... pointless."

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    1. Thanks, Grand, Erector, and thanks Out to Lunch. I asked, perhaps unintentionally implying I knew more than I did, and I will admit that my question was filtered thru Luxemburg and Goldman and my own pissed offness at what's I have read about an organization I don't perhaps fully comprehend. (I would definitely be actively opposed to the CC etc) What I was trying to do was to get educated as to why one persists in organizing on Leninist principles. So: thank you for the reading list, because that's what I need. I should emphasize that however poorly my question was worded, I never once thought you folks were crazy to organize the way you do. I have the Higgins, will read, and will seek out the others.Thanks again.

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  12. Look, those who cling to this dream-vision of Lenin are doing themselves no favours. Much of the theoretical work of Lenin was/is useful, but it was he who made Stalin a possibility - much of what we term as 'Stalinism' has its roots in the concrete decisions made in the period in which Lenin was all powerful, whether it was Lenin's stifling and smashing of free speech, or the general over-use of repressive violence and terror as a means to secure the normal functioning of the state system. Lenin wrote some wonderful stuff about 'democratic centralism', and I suppose it's good that some Leninists cling to that, but the terrifying reality is that Lenin did everything possible, even given and despite of the context of the civil war, to shape the revolution into an institution of violence and terror. Of course this is all problematic, for it begs the question: was it necessary for Lenin to re-institutionalise terror and repression in order to 'protect' the budding revolution? I think a brief reflection on this question should reveal the contradictions and deficiencies at the very core of Leninst dogma. The more we fetishise and sanctify Bolshevism, the more we slip further into obscurity. The point is to learn from mistakes, not revise and neglect them.

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    1. Well, I'll be better able to understand your position after I read what Out to Lunch has suggested. What do You suggest I read to understand your position?

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    2. Lenin did not make Stalin a possibility, in the sense that there is no organisational formula on earth that could have prevented Stalin's rise. You speak of Lenin's over-repressive use of violence, etc., but this leaves a lot open to question. Did Lenin make grevous mistakes in that period - I believe so. Does that mean that Lenin's attitude to organisation is therefore irretrievably tainted? Not so. Lenin's theory and practice of organisation is a rich source of understanding from which we could learn a lot. Do we want to fetishise Lenin? Not at all. I find arguments about, eg., Lenin vs. Luxemberg vs. whoever largely redundant. The demonising of Leninism' I find similarly useless for any useful purpose at all. For instance, all this stuff about Lenin 're-institutionalising' violence - of course they had to re-institutionalise violence - they were fighting a colossal civil war. The idea that they could have put violence behind them at this point is simply pie in the sky.

      What might be more interesting would be some concrete proposals about organisation. I have made some, regarding the SWP, in the article above.

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    3. I'm not talking about Lenin as a precursor of Stalin in a strictly formal and organisational sense. Lenin built the apparatuses of terror and violence - Stalin just utilised them with more efficiency. However, I actually largely agree with what you said - particularly about using parts of his theoretical works to build a better mode of organisation. But the fundamental contradiction remains: why did Lenin, this great theorist, with fantastic plans for party building, completely abandon such plans when it came to praxis? I think the answer is terrifying - and it isn't just fundamental to Leninism but also to Marixism. How could Lenin guide a revolution towards a particular ideal without relying on terror and violence? Democracy has to be abolished because it can be used by feudal counter-revolutionaries and the bourgeois, or even non-Bolshevik revolutionaries. Free speech and freedom of the press must be stamped out, because they too can so easily become mere tools of counter-revolutionary intrigue. My point isn't that Lenin was a fundamentally 'bad person', or that everything he did was 'wrong', but rather that the decisions he made were symptomatic of a fundamental contradiction in the application of Marxist theory to a revolutionary moment, and the maintenance of such a revolution by revolutionaries. Unless we are anti-democratic and unless we accept violence (and here I don't mean, and allow me to use bourgeois terminology here, 'legitimate violence' as in a war between two armed forces), I think we have to do more to transcend the Bolsheviks and the October Revolution.

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    4. Than you all. If I were to make a suggestion re: organization, Andy, and please understand that this is only from what I've read and been able to understand from 5000 miles away, they would be nothing original, they would be along the lines of what others have already suggested, here and elsewhere: less power to the CC etc, more power to the membership, more room for discussion, i.e. a return in a way to the earliest days of the October revolution, when the factory organizations and the soviets and the sailor, etc were more than figurehead organizations.

      But I really do want to thank you all for your patience. I am learning as I go. Andy, you are always gracious. Grand Erector, so are you. And I really appreciate Out to Lunch's willingness to move off of "Go away!" to "Let me help you catch up." He/she scares the hell out of me, but now, not so much.

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  13. Take back Lenin from the Leninists:

    'The model operated currently by the SWP is not that of the Bolshevik revolution. It is a version of the Zinovievite model adopted during the period of “Bolshevisation” in the mid-1920s and then honed by ever smaller and more marginal groups. When Alex implies that somehow we have developed a ‘distilled’ version of Bolshevik democratic centralism he is not holding to the tradition of October: it is asking us to choose the model that has led to three of the most serious crises in the SWP’s history in quick succession over the model that actually did lead the October revolution...

    ... Alex reiterates that if the SWP did not exist, it would be necessary to invent it. We agree – and that for the party to continue to exist, it is necessary to reinvent it. This is not alien to our tradition: perhaps it is best to leave the last word to one of its brightest lights, David Widgery in his review of the third volume of Cliff’s biography of Lenin:

    “The blossoming-blighting process which Cliff documents froze over Leninism and only mass revolutionary working-class action is able to melt it from its icy limbo. Lenin is therefore trapped in his moment, surrounded by a thicket and awaiting political rescue: ‘An old communist conceives an embryo of longing’. One day, his Modern Prince will come. Until he is woken with the proletarian kiss, the problem is not that Leninism has failed, but that it has not been tried.”'

    Is Zinovievism Fisnished? A Reply to ALex Callinicos

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  14. John B-R, I think you can't go wrong with Luxemburg and Kautsky, with maybe some of f Joel Kovel's criticisms of Bolshevism thrown in for good measure.

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  15. Sorry, John B-R, my original "Go Away" was more directed at Anonymous than you. As I suspected, Anonymous is actually a liberal, i.e. has illusions in the democratic fairness of naturally-existing capitalism before these horrible Marxists interfere. Andy's point is crucial. Capitalism gives us no choice: it needs war and instability and repression so its form of exploitation can flourish. A really thinking person has no choice but to fight. Anonymous, on the other hand, has the complacency of certain forms of Buddhism: everything would be okay if we didn't interfere. But in the AMM we do not think that the bourgeois model of politics - where "members" applaud leaders who "act" in the political realm (one completely adopted by Counterfire, for example) - is the only model of effective "party" organisation. In fact, to resist the Tory attacks, we need a rebirth of the libertarian politics which burst out in the 20s and 60s: where "politics" becomes something we are all involved in. And in these periods, ideas of previous revolutionaries came alive again. Just read CLR James on Lenin in Notes On Dialectics! The writing burns ... Not least because James is not talking to specialists but to the common reader ...

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    1. I'm sorry Out to Lunch, but what you accuse me of would only be accurate if Marxism necessarily equaled Leninism or Bolshevism. But let me ask you a question. So let me just ask you a brief theoretical question: If you were part of a revolutionary party that somehow managed to seize control of the state, would you suspend democracy? Would you ban bourgeois political parties and formations? How would you deal with non-violent counter-revolutionary forces, whether it was newspapers or websites or TV shows? My point is that if we are serious about revolution, shouldn't we attempt to seriously engage with and analyse the Bolsheviks use of violence? If anything, the centralisation of particularly Tsarist counter-revolutionaries in the White forces was a blessing in disguise for the Bolsheviks, but we all know that Lenin didn't stop there. As soon as the Whites were defeated, the new enemy became other revolutionaries and non-violent political and social forces.

      I am not disputing the fact that in a revolutionary scenario any violent counter-revolutionary forces must be disposed of violently, but what about the non-violent forces that could be perceived as being 'counter-revolutionary', or merely just other revolutionary forces outside the Bolsheviks? 'Democratic centralism', as *practiced* by Lenin, has shown us that the Bolsheviks had no intention of *ever* functioning alongside or within democracy. Indeed, the moment they realised that other revolutionary forces were more popular than they were, they completely destroyed any meaningful democratic institutions. This is also the point at which the notion of vanguardism is revealed, regardless of how kindly one interprets it, to be necessarily tyrannical - it relies on the notion that a majority of even other revolutionaries or a population must be subordinate to a minority of 'vanguards', which, faced with the fact that large sections of the political and social forces are in disagreement with its rule(including other Marxists), necessarily becomes bureaucratic, violent towards dissent and dictatorial. My point is that Stalinism was not a deformation or rejection of Bolshevism (or Leninism) but rather the evolutionary culmination of it. Unless we address these realities, we cannot call ourselves genuine revolutionaries. If our only endeavour is to even just plant the seeds of a genuinely revolutionary party capable of challenging the bourgeois parties, then we have to overcome many of the aspects of Bolsehvism-Leninism.

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    2. Two points; just to make clear to OtL, whoever that particular 'Anonymous' poster is, it is NOT me: Signed DC AKA.

      To 'Anon', a revolution is not to be carried out by a party. It is carried out by the working class. The party's role is, to help to unify the various struggles, and assist in the generalisation of class consciousness, towards revolution.
      The dangers of 'vanguardism' becoming substitutionism, that the Bolsheviks faced, can't be separated from specific historical and geographical conditions. Revolution can't succeed in one country, and the defeat of revolution in Germany was a particular blow internationally.
      That isn't to say that, similar problems aren't potentially ahead. Just that they won't be the same.
      The point is to learn from the Bolsheviks, warts and all. So as to avoid the mistakes they made in particular conditions, and to take on their best practices.

      Signed DC AKA

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    3. The problem doesn't lie in trying to lead and cohere struggles (aka. trying to be in 'the vanguard'); the problem comes when you do this and then the working class slips is annihilated in a civil war. Then you have got an insurmountable problem. But it is a real problem, produced by the historical conjuncture and not the necessary unfolding of the concept of 'vanguardism'.

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    4. Yes, I agree with all that. Although, I would say that 'vanguardism' is merely a name for 'substitutionism' in the absence of a revolutionary moment and a revolutionary proletariat. Vanguardism, as pracitced by the Bolsheviks, became substitutionism with a natural ease.

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    5. Andy Wilson, once again I would agree with what you say, and I have no wish to enter into reductionism, but I would argue that while understanding the so-called 'mistakes' of the Bolsheviks through the prism of a particular conjuncture is obviously necessary, it is also necessary to understand that the 'mistakes' were hardwired into the logic of Bolshevism.

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  16. By the way, I just want to say, that one of the reasons that I have decided to remain anonymous is because of the reaction of comrades such as Out to Lunch, who tells people he doesn't agree with to 'go away'. This is all too common on the left, but I expected something different from a founding member of the AMM. Despite his behaviour, I actually share the AMM's overall ethos and approach (as outlined in the manifesto), and I think the group contains exactly the right amount of quirkiness and heterodoxy to be a veritable Island of relief from the same old, soul destroying leftist institutions.

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  17. If Anonymous wants to play the holy innocent he should be careful about presenting Kautsky and Luxemburg as the “anti-Leninist” alternative (how many imperialist wars did Rosa support?). In fact on the Left there are no significant historical traditions which don't have blood on their hands. Lenin is as much our ancestor as Machiavelli, Cromwell and Robespierre. If you want to rule out violence in fighting for democracy and socialism, then you should come out as a liberal pacifist and prepare to bend over when the shit hits the fan. Unless of course you're a Left neocon, in which case your home is the Harry's Place witch-hunters site.

    Peter Hudis, launching his book, 'Marx's Alternative to Capitalism', at the Historical Materialism conference in November was challenged by John Rose of the SWP for not mentioning the Bolsheviks' effort to build socialism in Russia. Hudis replied that if Lenin's revolution had had the intended result of spreading revolution to Germany then, although it's impossible to say what might have ensued had that succeeded, you could say for certain that there wouldn't have been Nazism, Stalinism and the Holocaust. Hudis was also asked if he thought Lenin had properly understood Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme as a basis for building socialism. He said he hadn't.

    I'm not a Leninist. But neither was Lenin. I don't know who used the term first. I suspect it was the Stalinists, but Trotsky's use of the term is sullied by his participation in the suppression of Lenin's testament calling for Stalin's removal, which he defended on grounds of Bolshevik (I.e. Leninist) discipline.

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    1. Dear David, as part of my continuing (beginning?) education, can you elaborate a little on your "how many imperialist wars did Rosa support?" I mean, how many, and which ones?

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    2. David, you are confusing a few things. Like I've made clear, I don't have any problems at all with the violence that was necessary in order to defeat the Tsarist- imperialist counter-revolutionaries (the Whites). However, what I find problematic is the Bolsheviks violence against non-violent non-Bolshevik political and social forces, which were first pursued and implemented by Lenin and Trotsky, and the same goes for their destruction of democracy. Now, when I say I find this violence and terror 'problematic', I am not relying on moralism - I am simply attempting to highlight what I believe to be a fundamental contradiction in the praxis of all true revolutionary movements and ideologies. For example, how would revolutionary socialists defend a revolution *and* implement democracy? How do we overthrow capitalism without violence and terror?

      I am not aware of Rosa Luxemburg supporting any imperialist wars, in fact she famously broke with the German SPD for its support of WW1 and was a key player in attempting (unsuccessfully) to unite the Second International against the war. Kautsky did in fact rather foolishly support WW1, but does that immediately invalidate some of his criticisms of the Bolsheviks? Also I'm not presenting them as an 'anti-Leninist alternative', I was merely pointing out to John B-R that they present strong critiques of Lenin and the Bolsheviks.

      I believe both Trotsky and Stalin laid claim to the term 'Marxism-Lenism', but if we're being objective about this, it should be quite clear that all three, Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin, were united on some issues (violence, terror and anti-democracy), while obviously Stalin was seriously out of sync on others (socialism in one country being the most notable example of this).

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  19. The question, "how many Imperialist wars did Rosa support?" was rhetorical and was supposed to be ironic. The answer is "none." Kautsky, on the other hand, much to Luxemburg's disgust, was celebrating "a century of Prussian glory" at a time when German imperialism was trying to exterminate the Nama and Herero peoples in Namibia. I need hardly add that Kautsky supported Germany in World War One. The point is that lumping Kautsky and Luxemburg together in an anti-bolshevik front is just wrong historically and repellant politically. As a (critical) supporter of the October Revolution she had more in common with Lenin than Kautsky

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  20. Thanks, David. Because, scratch my head as hard as I could, I couldn't think of any. To my way of thinking, which is getting more knowledgeable by the day (I hope), we can learn from both Lenin and Luxemburg, and from many others as well.

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